Election 2024: Restoring public’s trust in

As the campaigns of the National Democratic Congress (NDC) and New Patriotic Party (NPP) battle over whether the upcoming election is a choice between “reset” or “upgrade”, there is another critically important issue that cannot be ignored – trust in the country’s institutions.

As I mentioned in my midweek op-ed piece reflecting on Dr Bawumia’s media engagement, the issue of trust emerged within the context of promises made during the 2016 election and current realities. My takeaway from the question was that in addition to promoting his policies, Dr Bawumia must find a way to convince voters to take their chances with him. In essence, he must convince them to trust him despite the current realities faced by this government.

Dr Bawumia is not the only one who must pass the trust test. All the other candidates making promises to Ghanaians must also pass the trust test.

However, in my opinion, the trust question in this election is bigger than the candidates – it goes to the heart of strengthening Ghana’s democracy. And the question for our candidates is this – how do they plan to restore the public’s deteriorating trust in institutions?

Trust crisis

Ghana’s institutions are facing a major trust crisis, with fewer citizens expressing “a lot” of trust in them. This is worrying for two key reasons – a) good governance; and b) democratic consolidation.

The Afrobarometer survey, over nine rounds, captures this trust crisis very well. To appreciate fully the crisis, here is what has happened between the initial round (1999) and the most recent round of available data (2022). The focus is on the percentage of Ghanaians who express trusting institutions “a lot.” It is the highest level of trust, I believe, institutions must aim for as they carry out their respective mandates.

Trust in law enforcement and security institutions: Between Round 1 (1999) and Round 9 (2022), trust in the police (-12 per cent) and the courts (-15 per cent) declined. In the most recent round (2022), only seven per cent (seven per cent) of Ghanaians expressed “a lot” of trust in the police and 10 per cent in the courts of law.

Trust in elected institutions: Between Round 1 (1999) and Round 9 (2022), trust in parliament (-25 per cent) and elected assemblymen and women (-17 per cent) declined. In the most recent round (2022), only eight per cent of Ghanaians expressed “a lot” of trust in parliament, and five per cent in elected assemblymen and women. Trust in the presidency question was first asked in Round 2 (2002). Between that year and Round 9 (2022), trust declined by twenty-one percentage points. In the most recent round (2022) fourteen per cent expressed “a lot” of trust in the presidency.

Trust in non-elected institutions. Between Round 1 (1999) and Round 9 (2022), trust in the electoral commission (-21 per cent) and traditional rulers (-27 per cent) declined. In the most recent round (2022), only eleven per cent of Ghanaians expressed “a lot” of trust in the electoral commission and five per cent in traditional rulers. Questions about trust in political parties (ruling and opposition) were first asked in Round 2 (2002). Between that year and Round 9 (2022), trust in ruling parties declined by twenty-six percentage points and in opposition parties by sixteen percentage points. In the most recent round (2022), nine per cent expressed “a lot” of trust in the ruling party and seven per cent in opposition parties.

The trust crisis is further deepened by worsening perceptions of institutional corruption. For example, when Afrobarometer asks “How many are involved in corruption?” the percentage of Ghanaians answering “none of them” has declined between Round 1 (1999) and Round 9 (2022) – a) judges and magistrates (11 per cent to three per cent); b) Parliament (17 per cent to three per cent); c) Presidency (39 per cent to four per cent); and d) Assembly men and women (20 per cent to eight per cent).

Implications for the 2024 Elections.

This is the current state of how Ghanaians feel about the country’s institutions. This must concern everyone, given the role each of these institutions plays in ensuring good governance and democratic development.

The manifestos of the two main parties (NDC & NPP) contain ideas and proposals to address governance issues, such as a) fighting corruption; b) reducing the number of ministers; c) banning political appointees and politically exposed persons from purchasing state assets; and d) constitutional reforms.

All these are important and can help in addressing identified gaps in Ghana’s democracy and governance architecture. And hopefully, when fully executed, will help solve this institutional crisis.

As the candidates and party travel the length and breadth of Ghana, and as Ghanaians continue to weigh whether the country needs a “reset” or an “upgrade,” we cannot afford the luxury of not asking, “How do our presidential candidates plan to restore the public’s deteriorating trust in institutions?”