Aren’t we creating monsters?

Unless as in-coming President, our beloved JDM does not care how negatively the post-December 7 election illegalities say of his leadership, I wish to alert him to the fact that people who genuinely wish him well are worried for him.

It has taken years of thoughtful and intentional acts by its leaders to shed the ‘violence’ label which the National Democratic Congress (NDC) used to be associated with from 1982 to about 1996. When Atta Mills finally became its flagbearer and President, the make-over was complete: the party began to attract peace-loving floating voters.

The NDC — or Mahama’s Transition Team — may have genuine reasons for the pre-emptive swoops on some companies and installations where it suspects foul play, corruption or economic sabotage.

Being a President in waiting, it was commendable when, as pockets of violence threatened to escalate, Mahama came on television to advise the incumbent President to act.

So why is he failing to effectively communicate with the nation to explain why mobs from his party are on a violent offensive against some state institutions: carrying away fertilizer; swooping in on Inter-city STC, storming National Lotteries, disrupting Precious Minerals Marketing Company’s (PMMC) gold pre-export assaying at the National Assay Centre last Tuesday, etc?

There is something to be said for economic vigilance. Problem, however, is that as JDM himself made us all of us to believe, he and his party are not yet in office.

In the spirit in which he made the broadcast last week reminding him (Akufo Addo) he was the President and should act to stop the disruptions, I think senior members of NDC who receive intels about criminal intents against the economy must blow the whistle and step aside for security agencies to move in.

Who in Ghana would not welcome efforts to save the country from the hands of economic saboteurs and criminals! But the situation must not be created as if the December 7 elections ushered in a new era of PDCs/WDCs.

The mobs themselves should remember the words of John Mahama that the rod used against Takyi today will be waiting for Baah tomorrow.

Vigilance

Vigilance by NDC youths is understandable. The December 2020 deaths on election night remain imprinted on their minds; as far as they know, the eight Ghanaians who lost their lives that night were gunned down by state security in aid of vote-stealing.

In the run-up to the 2024 elections, Mahama’s words calling for vigilance had put them in a defiant mood.

On December 7, 2024, the vigilance “paid off”: NDC won with unprecedented margins.

Foot-soldierism

Foot-soldierism was to receive its loudest plaudits in recorded history from the highest rungs of the party. Sammy Gyamfi’s vote of thanks to “our vigilant supporters” was loud on radio and TV in the afternoon of December 8.

Thus, fired up and rearing to go, the footsoldiers were like a tortoise that had tasted a little drop of blood: it always wants more blood.

What ensued at a number of Collation Centres, perpetrated by both NDC and NPP youths, is unprecedented in monstrosity.

The reason post-election violence (started in 2020 and continuing in 2024) must be condemned is that any group of people with a criminal agenda, can put on party colours and go on rampage, terrorising us all.

The greatest danger creeping in since 1992 is that the Ghana police are petrified into inaction once the criminals are identified with the ruling party.

We must hear JM’s voice. If we fail to act now, Millie Jackson’s song will become our reality. She warned: “I created a monster … but she turned on me… She is now a vampire out for blood”.

But we called for it. Ghana is practicising the wrong democracy. It is too adversarial, too rewarding for the party whose candidate becomes President. It is the reason for all the violence, the seizures.

Way out?

What is the way out? In answer I will repeat portions of my article on Winner Takes All published only three weeks ago in the Daily Graphic as follows:

Let’s borrow from Kenya. After the 2007 presidential election violence in which an estimated 1,500 people died, Kenya decided: only by changing the political system could something similar be prevented. The outcome was the 2010 revised Constitution.

Under it, many of the appointment powers previously enjoyed by the President were made subject to parliamentary review. Under a new system of devolution, 47 new counties were created, each with a directly elected governor, senator, women’s representative and assembly.

The impact has been largely felt through two layers of elected officials: governors and MCAs. Holders of the devolved positions at the local level enjoy control over significant resources. Governors enjoy a budget that far exceeds that of MPs and are able to construct their own patronage networks through their control of contracts and appointments.

Also, the introduction of local government has softened the blow of losing national elections. Parties and communities that lose national level elections feel that they still have a stake in the political system as a result of their representation at the county level.

The writer is Executive Director,
Centre for Communication and Culture.
E-mail: ashonenimil@gmail.com